The largest of the Shiite sects, the Ismaili sect, occupies a special place in the socio-political life of the peoples of the East. The Ismaili doctrine originated in the eighth century in the Arab Caliphate, during the reign of the Abbasid dynasty. By that time, there were many trends, sects and interpretations in Islam, the watershed between which ran along two main lines:" orthodox "Sunnism (from the word" sunnah " - a sacred tradition, a set of stories about the actions and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad) and Shiism (from the word Shi'a - "Ali's party"). The Ismaili doctrine emerged in the context of an ongoing power struggle between various feudal groups in Iran, Iraq, and other countries, as well as movements of peasants, artisans, and the urban poor against the oppression of Abbasid and other feudal rulers. The reason for the emergence of Ismailism was a dispute over the succession of Imamate 1 under the sixth Shiite Imam Jafar al-Sadiq, who deprived his eldest son Ismail of the right to inherit allegedly because of the latter's addiction to wine. Some of the followers of Ja'far did not agree with this and, declaring Ismail the legitimate seventh Imam, refused to honor the official imams who followed Ja'far. The name of the sect, the Ismailis, is also derived from Imam Ismaili2 .

Since the religion of the Abbasid caliphs was Sunni Islam, and supporters of Shiism were punished as heretics and apostates, the Ismaili sect, having begun to act as a secret religious and political organization, was in opposition to the authorities, which attracted the oppressed masses. A group of feudal lords who opposed the Abbasids and needed a more flexible religious teaching for the ideological justification of their struggle, adopted Ismailism, which outwardly corresponded to the anti-feudal aspirations of the masses, and used these aspirations to achieve their political goals. Thus, from the moment of their birth, the Ismailis united in their ranks the most active and oppositional members of society, for which they gained fame as a radical sect.

The dramatic history of the Ismailis, the peculiarities of their faith, the complex philosophical concept, dogmatics and rituals continue to attract the attention of researchers to this day. However, despite the existence of an extensive literature on Ismailis, including the works of medieval Sunni and Ismaili historians, theologians and jurists, biographies of imams, philosophical treatises and recent publications, many circumstances of the sect's activities, in particular the Rash period of its history, the characteristic features of its organization and religious doctrine, still remain or are not fully understood. not fully clarified, or not given a unified interpretation. In addition, the current activities of Ismailis in Africa are clearly insufficiently studied.

The problems associated with the study of early Ismailism are complicated by the fact that from the moment of its inception, the Ismaili sect, which was in a hostile environment and was constantly persecuted, resembled a secret society, the nature of which-

1 Imamate - supreme leadership of the Muslim community, state. The doctrine of the imamate is the main tenet of Shiite Islam, which rejects the principle of electivity, since the supreme power of the head of the Muslim community and the Muslim state is legitimate "by virtue of a divine institution" (Al-Hasan ibn Musa an Naubahti. Shiite sects, Moscow, 1973, p. 197).

2 L. I. Klimovich, who studied the customs and beliefs of the Shugnan Ismailis (Pamirs), points out that some Ismailis derive the name of their sect from the word "ism ba ism", that is, "the name was embodied in the name" (L. I. Klimovich. Islam, Moscow, 1962, p. 140).

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Ismaili ideologists, having adopted some of the propositions of Neo-Platonism and Buddhism and adapted them externally to Islam, developed a complex religious and philosophical teaching .3 It contained many ideas that were contrary to the teachings of orthodox Islam (which contributed to the development of freethinking). These, for example, were the belief in the power of the human mind, the glorification of knowledge and its role in human life. Those who joined the organization accepted the "external" (zahir) doctrine of Ismailism, which did not differ much from moderate Shiism. And only members of the highest degrees, the feudal elite of the sect, were revealed the" inner", hidden (in Arabic" batin", hence one of the names of the Ismailis-" Batinites") teaching, which included an allegorical interpretation of the Koran, the dogma of the imamate, as well as a general system of philosophical knowledge combined with theology.

The religious practice of the Ismailis was characterized by a simplification of rites and ceremonies, which significantly distinguished them from other Shiite sects. Thus, the Ismailis performed prayer (namaz) only twice a day, and not five times, as devout Muslims do. They did not build mosques and prayed in special houses of worship (jamaatkhans); they did not consider holidays as a mandatory requirement of the Koran, for which they were condemned even by other Shiites. Among the Ismailis, the cult of imams was developed to such an extent that the most magnificent holidays were the birthdays of the imams. The Ismailis rejected such an important Muslim rite as the pilgrimage (Hajj) to Mecca and Medina - the places where the Prophet Muhammad's activities took place.

The members of the Ismaili organization were divided into seven degrees. Members of the lower ranks were not privy to the sect's political goals. The latter were known only to holders of higher degrees, whose activities were surrounded by mystery. Some provisions of the Ismaili doctrine were also not made public. All this appealed to the imagination of ordinary Ismaili peasants and Bedouins, who made up the bulk of the sect's members. They were attracted not so much by the complex religious and philosophical system of Ismailism as by the organization of the sect; without delving into the subtleties of the new faith, they associated with it hopes of getting rid of the hardships and sorrows of everyday life. And the Ismaili missionaries adapted to the conditions of the time and, under constant threat from the servants of orthodox Islam, conducted vigorous propaganda of their teachings, often relying on anti-feudal peasant movements.

The very procedure of propaganda was carefully developed and successfully implemented in practice for many centuries. After first getting acquainted with the intended person (the rule expressed in the proverb "In the room where the lamp is burning, do not think", that is, "you can not talk about Ismailism in front of Sunnis") and positioning him in his favor, the missionary caused the interlocutor to doubt the religion that he professed. He pointed out the inconsistency of certain provisions of the Koran and declared that all "great Muslims" agree with the Ismaili doctrine. To bind the new converts more firmly, the missionary wrapped the theological, philosophical, and scientific questions he discussed with them in vague, allegorical formulas, arousing curiosity about the new religion. If the person who joined the sect demanded an explanation, they took terrible oaths of secrecy and charged large amounts of money as collateral (depending on the financial situation of the convert).4 .

As a single religious movement, Ismailism did not last long and soon broke up into a number of sects and subsects. In the tenth century. it, which already had its adherents in many countries of the East and in North Africa, operated in the form of two main trends: the official religion of the Fatimid caliphs who dominated Egypt from the tenth century to 1171 ("Fatimid Ismailism" was not much different from moderate Shiism), and the teachings of the " semirichyaiks "(only seven imams were recognized, counting Ismail the last), or Karmats (the name probably comes from the name of the founder of the Ham sect-

3 See about him: A. E. Bertelier. Nasir-i Khosrov and Ismailism, Moscow, 1959; A. A. Semenov. On the dogma of Pamir Ismailism. Tashkent, 1926; W. A. Iwanov. Studies in Early Persian Ismailism. Leiden. 1952; B. Lewis. The Origins of Ismailism. Cambridge. 1940.

4 N. A. Smirnov. Muslim sectarianism, Moscow, 1930, pp. 34-35.

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dana Karmata)5 - one of the extreme forms of Ismailism. Having been born and spread among the urban lower classes and the poorest peasants of Mesopotamia, the Karmati faith opposed itself to the dominant ideology of Sunni Islam. The Karmats did not observe the generally accepted precepts of the Muslim cult, and waged a fanatical struggle against religious opponents, who were ruthlessly dealt with. The most famous "deed" of the Karmats was a raid on Mecca in 930, in the midst of a Muslim holiday held there. A group of Karmats killed or enslaved many pilgrims, as well as looted, destroyed or damaged a number of objects of Muslim worship, among them the famous Muslim fetish - the "black stone" of the Kaaba .6 The powerful Karmat state in Bahrain in the X-XI centuries.7 was based on the idea of a" hidden imam", which corresponded to the aspirations of ordinary members of Karmat society for equality, which ensured the comparative duration of the existence of this state. The anti-feudal and anti-orthodox teaching of the Karmats was considered heretical in the Middle Ages. However, it had a significant impact on the philosophy, literature and art of its time, leaving a significant mark on history. 8
In the first quarter of the 11th century, the Druze sect broke away from the Ismailis (the name is supposed to be derived from the name of the preacher Darazi)9, whose teachings were based on the belief in the divinity of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim, who was revered by the Druze as a single god. The Druze sect consisted mainly of mountaineers from Lebanon and Syria. The Druze community was so different from other Muslim sects in terms of its social structure, features of a religious organization characterized by great isolation, and even in terms of language, that this allowed some researchers to consider it not only as a special sect, but even as a special nationality. This issue remains controversial to date. The religious cult and rituals of the Druze were simple. They did not consider it obligatory for them to perform all Muslim rituals, and they interpreted the instructions of the Koran in an allegorical way. As members of a secret organization, the Druze considered it their duty to help each other. Engaged in agriculture and cattle breeding in the difficult natural conditions of mountainous regions, they were distinguished by hard work, abstinence and courage. 10 The Druze have repeatedly fought with the Maronites (Arab Christians).

In 1078, an event similar to the excommunication of Ismail occurred in the history of Ismailism. In that year, the Fatilshd Caliph Mustansir, to the detriment of Nizar's eldest son, appointed Mustali's youngest son as his heir. This split the Ismailis into two groups: the Nizarites, who recognize only the descendants of Nizar as imams, and the Muetalites, who consider only the descendants of Mustali legitimate. The Mustalites were victorious in Egypt and Syria, and the Nizarites prevailed in Iran and India. In Iran, where there was a long-running feud between various groups of feudal lords, the opposition Ismaili faith was perceived by that part of them that sought to ideologically somehow justify the struggle for the return of their lands and privileges taken away by the Seljuk feudal lords, adherents of orthodox Islam. Under these circumstances, the Nizari Order of Assassins (assassin - consumer of hashish, in a figurative sense - "killer"), which received a dark reputation and surrounded by a halo of mystery, was formed. Its founder, Hasan-i Sabbah, captured it with his followers in 1090. The remote castle of Alamut ("Eagle's Nest") in the foothills of Elburz, created a state that spread its influence to many parts of Iran and Syria. The period of its existence (1090-1256) is the highest in the world.-

5 I. P. Petrushevsky. Islam in Iran in the VII-XV centuries. L. 1966, pp. 283-284; W. Iwanov. The Rise of the Fatimids. L. 1942, p. Э9.

6 The Kaaba is a sacred temple in Mecca. The Kaaba cult is one of the main cults of Sunni Islam.

7 It is described in the book "Safar-nameh", the authorship of which is attributed to the outstanding poet, scholar and traveler Nasir-i Khosrow.

8 It is enough to recall the names of the Syriac-Arab poet and philosopher Abu'l-Ala al-Ma'ari, the famous poet Rubaki, then Nasir-i Khosrow, the Central Asian scholar and philosopher Ibn Sina (Avicenna), who shared the ideas of the Karmats.

9 E. A. Belyaev. Muslim sectarianism, Moscow, 1957, p. 65.

10 Ibid., pp. 64-69; Z. Mazhets. The Lebanese Druze. "Asia and Africa Today", 1974, N 4; P. K. Hitti. The Origins of the Druze People and Religion. N. Y. 1928.

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more vivid and eventful than any other in the history of Ismailism 11 . It is surrounded by legends and fictions, through which it is difficult to get to the truth.

A significant achievement of Ismaili thought was the creation by Sabbah of a new religious teaching, different from Fatimid Ismailism and more radical in its essence-the "new call". It was based on faith in the imam, whose arrival the masses associated with the establishment of social justice. The idea of the divinity of imams, the view of them as the living embodiment of "divine revelation" and blind obedience to the "living God" 12 are characteristic features of neo-Ismailism that have survived to this day. The peasants ' protest against social inequality, oppression and disenfranchisement under the rule of Seljuk feudal lords found religious expression in the new Call creed, which attracted new supporters to the assassins. Ordinary people were also attracted by the external attributes of the Ismaili organization, the pomp and mystery surrounding it, and the unusual methods of struggle chosen by the assassins - individual terror and blackmail, widely introduced by the Alamut imams to achieve their goals. Hassan - i Sabbah had loyal soldiers who, on his orders, implicitly committed murders of objectionable people. They were fidai - "sacrificers of life" who were allegedly drugged with a narcotic mixture containing Indian cannabis-hashish, which causes hallucinations. Doomed (since they were most often killed in terrorist acts) and designed to become a blind tool in the hands of the top of the sect, the Fidai killed both representatives of the feudal nobility and the highest Sunni clergy, as well as personal enemies of Hassan. The reasons for the killings were also revenge for the spilled blood of the Ismailis and for leading military campaigns against the state of assassins, punishment for apostasy from Sabbah, helping allies and simply looting.

When the state of the Assassins fell to the Mongols and Mamluk Sultans of Egypt in 1256, small groups of their descendants settled in the Caucasus and Iran (Kerman), where the hostility of orthodox Sunnis often forced them to resort to external renunciation of their faith ("taqiyya") and carefully conceal their imams 13 . For this reason, the period following the defeat of the Assassin State, more than any other in the history of Ismailism, has not been sufficiently studied. Nevertheless, the sect continued to actively preach its teachings. The main object of missionary propaganda is India , 14 where, by the 16th century, as a result of the conversion to Islam of Hindus from local commercial and usurious castes, the Ismaili Khoja and Bohra sects were formed. The Khoja belonged to the Nizari branch, the Bohra to the Mustali branch. At the same time, the missionaries acted with great caution and at the same time extremely energetic. The greatest success was achieved by a certain Sadruddin, who appeared in Western India at the beginning of the XV century. Acting on the principle of "taqiyya", he pretended to be a Hindu and took an Indian name. While distributing Hindu religious books, Sadruddin inserted Ismaili treatises containing the new creed .15 Gradually, the Ismaili doctrine gained adherents in Sindh, Kutch, Gujarat, and parts of Punjab, where the Ismailis became known as Khoja .

Bohra Community (bohara)17, which also became a trading caste over time, originated in Gujarat. As is typical of many sects, it did not escape a split. As early as the sixteenth century, when the question arose of moving the residence of the Mustalite religious head, Da'i al-Mutlaq, from Yemen to India, the Bohra were divided into two separate communities: the Daudis and the Suleimaniis. Da'i-al-mutlaq sulay-

11 See L. V. Stroeva. The destruction of the state of Ismailitoz in Iran by the Mongols. "Scientific Notes" of Leningrad University, 1954, N 179.

12 A. Masset. Islam, Moscow, 1962, p. 150.

13 W. Iwanov. Tombs of Some Persian Ismaili Imams. Цит. by: "Studia Islamica", 1969, N 29, p. 56.

14 The first preachers of Ismailism entered India from Egypt and Yemen as early as the 11th century. They received special training in Cairo, where they learned Indian languages, customs, and religions, particularly Jainism and Hinduism.

15 "Islam in India and the Middle East". L. 1956, p. 51.

16 The word" khoja " was used by Hindus to refer to merchants from the Persian Gulf (W. Iwanov. A Guide to Ismaili Literature. L. 1933, p. 6).

17 The word "bohra" means "trade"; according to another version, "several sects" (S. I. Trimingham. Islam in East Africa. Oxford. 1964, p. 105).

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The Maniyevs remained in Yemen, while the head of the Bohra-majority Da'udis settled in Bombay. [18 ] The peculiarity of these communities was that, being religious sects, they simultaneously retained a caste character and various Hindu customs, which had an impact on their daily life and organization. By the time of the English conquest of India, the Bohra and Khoja had developed into trading castes with their typical characteristics: inheritance of profession, endogamy (marriage within a community) and isolation even in relation to co-religionists who did not belong to this community, as well as intra-caste lending. They also retained the institutions characteristic of the Hindu castes from which they emerged. At the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, the Khojas and Bohras from Gujarat and Sindh began to spread throughout India and beyond: to the countries of Southeast Asia and East Africa, to Arabia, where they were engaged in trade and entrepreneurial activities.

The Ismailis were still active in political life. The decisive factor in strengthening the position of the Ismaili elite was its support for British claims in Iran and India. The story of the 45th Nizari Imam Agha Hasan Ali Shah, a major Persian feudal lord and ruler of the Kerman region, is significant in this regard. In 1840, he was provoked by the British, who were trying to prepare the ground for establishing their influence in Khorasan and Herat, to march against the Shah of Iran .19 The revolt, however, was crushed, and the imam was forced to flee to India, where at that time England was at war with the Emir of Sindh. Agha Hasan rendered a serious service to the British command by issuing him a plan for the defense of the Emirati capital of Hyderabad, which soon fell .20 The capture of Sindh was followed by the conquest of Balochistan. Here Aga Hassan once again proved his loyalty to the British colonialists. He developed a vigorous diplomatic career, persuading the Baloch leaders to collude with the British. When his attempts failed, the Aga Hassan and his followers joined the British banner and, in gratitude for their faithful service, received a residence in Bombay with a lifetime pension. He was granted the hereditary title of "Aga Khan" (literally "master khan").

By the beginning of the twentieth century, the Ismailis had the most influential positions in India, where such major political figures as Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Imam Aga Khan III emerged from their midst. The son of a Gujarati merchant named Khoj, M. A. Jinnah received a law degree in London and then practiced law in his native country. Since 1906, he has been associated with the moderate wing of the Indian National Congress. At the same time, Jinnah took part in the activities of the Muslim League. On the eve and during the First World War, he supported the unity of Muslims and Hindus, which he considered as the key to a successful anti-colonial struggle. Becoming the leader of the Muslim League in 1934 (in 1921). Jinnah resigned from the National Congress, considering it too radical an organization and denouncing the civil disobedience campaigns conducted by M. Gandhi), he demanded the independence of India 21 . However, during the Second World War, Jinnah leaned on the side of those Muslim circles who insisted on the separation of Muslims and the creation of their own state. Jinnah supported the theory of" two nations " in India - Hindus and Muslims, which is based on a religious principle. Under his leadership, in 1940, the league put forward a demand to allocate areas with a Muslim population from India and establish an Islamic state of Pakistan on their basis. After the partition of India in 1947, M. A. Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan, where he is revered as a "great leader" and "father of the nation." 22
18 "Castes in India", M. 1965, p. 240.

19 In 1838, Britain broke off diplomatic relations with Iran because of its refusal to conclude an unequal trade treaty and withdraw troops from the Herat Khanate, which was a springboard for British expansion into Central Asia and the Caspian Sea basin.

20 H. Algar. The Revolt of Aga Khan Mahalotti and the Transferance of the Ismaili Imamat to India. "Studia Islamica", 1969, N 29.

21 S. F. Levin. Organization of the Ismaili bourgeoisie in Pakistan. "Brief Reports" of the Institute of Asian Peoples, vol. 71, 1964.

22 A.M. Dyakov. The National Question and English Imperialism in India, Moscow, 1948; Yu. V. Gankovsky, L. R. Gordon-Polonskaya. History of Pakistan, Moscow, 1961.

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The political activities of Aga Khan III reflected the dual nature of the Muslim bourgeoisie of India, with which the Jemailite elite is associated. The Aga Khan belonged to the wealthy landowning class of the rulers of Sindh. As an 8-year-old boy, he became a Nizari imam, from 1906 he served as chairman of the Muslim League, from which he left in 1913 due to its partial withdrawal. Interested in preserving the feudal institutions that gave the imam a privileged position, he supported the British colonial authorities. At the same time, his association with the Bombay business community, which was predominantly Khoja, forced him to support the moderate nationalist program of the Muslim bourgeoisie, which demanded the creation of a separate state. The Aga Khan was described as "a staunch supporter of English rule in India, which he considers a boon to the Indian people. During the recent unrest... he addressed words of exhortation to Muslims and Hindus, pointing out their folly, the immaturity of the desire for independence, and the necessity and salvation of British rule. " 23 Since 1950, the Aga Khan has been a supporter of the idea of creating Islamistan as a vast Muslim state in the Middle East under the auspices of British imperialism. Aga Khan III is also known as a reformer of the Ismaili community in the bourgeois spirit, an ideologist of "Islamic modernism", and the author of works devoted to the promotion of Islam.

The achievement of political independence by many countries in Asia and Africa forced the Ismaili leadership to change tactics. In an effort to adapt Islam to modern conditions and strengthen their position in the newly liberated states, its leaders began to emphasize in every possible way the alleged super-class and supranational nature of their organization, its "apolitical" and purely entrepreneurial nature of activity, denounced colonialism and racism, and defended the political course of independent Afro-Asian countries. Thanks to their flexible leadership, Ismailis are still the most influential branch of Islam in developing countries.

As in the past, there is currently no single organization that unites all Ismaili sects and sub-sects. The Nizari, Mustali and Druze communities are distinguished by their importance and degree of influence. Nizarites make up the vast majority of Ismailis (approximately 12 to 20 million people). Nizaris living in Muslim countries with a predominant Sunni population often hide their true identity for fear of persecution. They live in 22 Asian and African countries, including Iran, Syria, Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, East African states, South Africa, as well as the USSR (Turkmenistan, Tajikistan) and China (Xinjiang). Since 1841, their main center was India, and after its partition in 1947 - Pakistan. Their organization is still highly centralized and has a complex hierarchy of degrees of initiation. Unquestioning submission to imams, whose power is practically unlimited, remains characteristic.

The leading role in the leadership of the Nizari communities belongs to the big bourgeoisie, who come from the Khoja caste. Her interests are also reflected in the current Nizari spiritual leader, Prince Shah Karim Aga Khan IV, who became the 49th Ismaili Imam in 1957 at the age of 21 and received his title from his grandfather, Sultan Muhammad Shah Aga Khan III. Followers of the Aga Khan in various parts of the world revere him as the "living God", make pilgrimages to him and pay tribute. The spiritual master of the Ismailis, however, devotes most of his time to purely worldly affairs. Owner of numerous palaces, yachts, villas, owner of a huge fortune (not less than $ 200 million)24, the Aga Khan is a major entrepreneur, has business interests in many countries around the world and is associated with British and American monopolies. The Aga Khan's grandiose land speculation in Sardinia, where he initiated the creation of a modern luxury resort, was widely publicized. Sardinia has become as much a source of wealth for the Aga Khan as Monte Carlo is for the Greek multimillionaire Onassis and his family.-

23 See L. I. Klimovich. Op. ed., p. 143.

24 "Time", 1974, July 15, p. 105.

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nicknames 25 . The Aga Khan spends a lot of money on horse racing and equestrian sports (he received 9 stud farms and 240 horses from his father)26 . In terms of lifestyle, interests, and socio-political role, Aga Khan IV differs from his predecessors, typical Persian feudal lords. He graduated from the closed aristocratic school Le Rosy and Harvard University, is active. Paris is his permanent home 27 . Aga Khan IV seeks to follow the course of his predecessor, during whose reign the Ismaili bourgeoisie took a leading position in a number of countries in Asia and Africa. He improved the structure of Nizari organizations, making it even more flexible and manageable.

Another major Ismaili sub-sect is the Mustalites. They do not have such a strictly centralized organization, retain more patriarchal and feudal elements, are more conservative in themselves, and traditional caste prejudices are stronger among them. Now there are about 500-700 thousand Mustalites in Asia and Africa, mainly in India and Pakistan, where they belong to the Bohra. Some of them live in Yemen, Egypt, Somalia, East African countries, Hong Kong, about 200 people-in Spain 28 . By the beginning of the twentieth century, the dominant position among the Mustalites was occupied by the upper Bohr, whose current head, Muhammad Burhanuddin, like the Aga Khan IV, showed himself to be a protege of the big bourgeoisie, but not as consistently and clearly as the Europeanized Nizari imam.

The third Ismaili sect, the Druze, has less influence. Currently, there are about 300,000 of them, living mainly in Lebanon and Syria, 3% - in Jordan, the rest - in Israel, where this Muslim community has received official recognition .29 The Lebanese Druze are now part of K. Jumblatt's Progressive Socialist Party.

Non-observance of the most common Muslim rituals, even some neglect of them, putting purely practical tasks in the foreground, together with the unquestioning submission of ordinary members of the community to the instructions of imams, make Ismaili organizations flexible and mobile. It is not for nothing that they are often called " a state within a state." Indeed, they have their own administrative divisions, their own laws, their own court and their own calendar, and they have their own material resources. Ismaili believers give 1/10 of their income to the needs of the organization, make valuable gifts and voluntary grants to imams for various events in their lives: birth, wedding, etc. The size of grants among the Khoja of East Africa reaches an average of 100 East African shillings, while in Bohr they are collected twice a year (approximately from 5 to 21 shillings).30 . In 1935, 1946, and 1954, when the Aga Khan III's golden, diamond, and platinum anniversaries were celebrated, Ismailis weighed the Imam by placing gold, diamonds, and platinum instead of weights, which they then presented to the "living God." The centuries-old system of collecting donations allows the ruling elite of the sect to lead a fabulously rich lifestyle and receive huge profits from the capital put into circulation. Although a lot of money is spent on the internal needs of the community (social security, insurance) and in general the standard of living of ordinary Ismailis is relatively high, the gap between the Ismaili leadership and the majority of believers is large and is widening every year. But because of the demagogic statements of the imams about the" identity of interests "of the entire community and about the" spirit of brotherhood " that supposedly reigns in it, as well as because of traditions, social contradictions within the sect are leveled.

Among the Ismaili leadership, many public and political figures have emerged who speak on the international stage. Aga Khan III served at one time as President of the League of Nations. The father of the current Nizari imam, Prince Ali Khai, represented Pakistan at the UN in 1958-1960. The Aga Khan IV's uncle, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, has been the UN High Commissioner for Refugees since December 1965.-

25 W. Frischauer. The Aga Khans. L. 1970, p. 275.

26 "Jeune Afrique" (Tunis), 1967, N 353, p. 31. " "Who's Who". L. 1972.

28 "Science and Religion", 1974, N 6, p. 69.

29 "Religion in the Middle East". Cambridge. 1969, pp. 330, 345.

30 "Islam in Africa". N. Y. 1969, p. 159.

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tsev. He was directly involved in resolving a number of acute international conflicts, promoting reconciliation between India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and ending the civil war in Sudan between the Muslim North and the Christian South. In 1971, Sadruddin Aga Khan put forward his candidacy for the post of UN Secretary-General.

Contacts of the top Ismailis with the English monopolies, bourgeois transformations, a peculiar Reformation in the sect in the first half of the XX century, and the reorganization of caste institutions led to the fact that the Khoja and Bohra turned from medieval merchants into representatives of the modern bourgeoisie, and their top is closely connected with monopolistic capital. Ismailis have established commercial, credit, educational and other organizations .31 In India, Pakistan, and the former British East Africa, Ismailis established a network of financial corporations, cooperative societies, and joint-stock companies that promoted the community's economic role in Asian and African countries and provided soft loans and loans to Ismaili entrepreneurs. The funds raised by the Nizarites on the occasion of the Aga Khan Sh anniversaries are used to run large Khoja caste enterprises, which were born in East Africa. Such were the Jubilee Insurance Company (1935) and the Diamond Jubilee Trust (1946). In addition to Hodge's large private firms, the Jubilee corporations financed caste co-operative banks, credit, commercial, and housing societies. In 1956, the Diamond Jubilee Trust alone subsidized 35 of the 40 Khoja caste enterprises in East Africa .32 At the initiative of Karim Aga Khan IV, the Industrial Promotion Services Corporation was established. In her reign, the Aga Khan selects young people with a university education. It finances industrial enterprises in various countries of Asia and Africa, giving preference to capitalist-oriented states. The total investment in the corporation is $ 10 million, 50% of which is the Aga Khan's share .33
Most of the credit enterprises in Khoja and Bohra are cooperative societies owned by local communities. Until recently, there were about 40 such cooperatives in East Africa. Economic advisory committees have been established under each local council responsible for the affairs of the Ismaili community in different countries, which are charged with monitoring the economic situation in the country: industry, trade, and business .34
Bohra and Khoja, as well as representatives of other Muslim castes, still adhere to special traditions in trade and usury transactions, in keeping business books. The mutual support and philanthropy of the Indian merchant castes (not just the Bohra and Khoja castes) have taken on new forms among the Ismailis and are manifesting themselves in various spheres of public life. For example, in India, Pakistan, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania, they have established schools, hospitals, and a broad social security network (charitable foundations, orphanages, etc.). In various countries, Ismailis have built many "Aga Khan schools", modern teachers ' and technology colleges with well-equipped laboratories and qualified teachers (such as schools in Bombay, Karachi, Dar es Salaam, Kampala, Mombasa). The Ismailis have a well-established medical service. Each community has a treatment center where you can get medical advice and help. The largest hospitals (for example, the Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi, about 20 hospitals in Karachi) were built at the expense of Ismailis and are financed by them.

In the large cities of East Africa, where the housing problem is very acute, Ismailis have organized many housing cooperatives and building societies .35 All of them are completely controlled by the Ismaili bourgeoisie, which uses this circumstance to strengthen its position and influence. On casto-

31 S. F. Levin. On the evolution of Muslim merchant castes in connection with the development of capitalism (on the example of Bohr, Memans and Khoja). "Castes in India," pp. 234-235.

32 Ibid., p. 245.

33 W. Frischauer. Op. cit., p. 253.

34 "Commonwealth Journal" (London), 1961, N 1, p. 28.

35 "Castes in India," p. 251.

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social and cultural-educational organizations, libraries, clubs, and student unions were formed at the core of Khoja and Bohr. They were created from community funds and served community members. The Ismailis have their own periodical press. Since 1923, the weekly Ismaili has been published in English and Gujarati. Several dozen Khoja and Bohra newspapers and magazines are published in various cities of India, Pakistan, and East African countries and distributed to members of the sect .36 They serve as a means of ideological and political influence on the majority of Ismailis. In general, all this socio-economic and "cultural reger" program of modern Ismailism serves well-defined class and ideological goals, allowing for better maneuvering in the changed situation.

The situation of Ismailis in Africa is very specific. The Ismaili community here is relatively small: about 750,000 Nizaris 37 and about 9,000 Bohras 38 . Most of them lived in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, while a small number lived in Zaire, South Africa, Mozambique and the Malagasy Republic (all of them came from the Indian Subcontinent - Bohra and Khoja). The closed nature of their organization, which continues to maintain the form of a secret society, the peculiarities of religious practice and the belonging of the majority of Ismailis to another race place them in a special position among the indigenous population of African states. The Ismaili community of East Africa has a long history. Shiite refugees fleeing persecution by Sunnis settled here. In 1748, the first Bohras - blacksmiths, tinkers, goldsmiths - settled in Zanzibar . In addition, when East Africa and parts of India were part of the Portuguese Colonial Empire, many Indians migrated to Africa. By the twentieth century. England, which turned India into an Indian colony, also secured the East African territories. To exploit their economic resources, the British authorities needed people with certain skills and specialties. Therefore, they encouraged immigration from India to Africa, providing settlers with preferential conditions. The Ismaili bourgeoisie was attracted to East Africa because the competition of British capital was weaker here than in India and Pakistan. Thus, East Africa has become an important area of trade and business activity of the Ismailis. Tens of millions of East African pounds were invested in industrial enterprises in Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Zanzibar-textile, chemical, engineering and others. The Ismaili bourgeoisie has pushed aside not only the weak African national bourgeoisie, but also other competitors (from Asia).

The situation of the Ismaili community in East Africa was directly influenced by the patronage of the British administration. This determined the role of the Ismailis in the African colonies of England as a kind of intermediate link in the exploitation of the indigenous population. While being a privileged stratum of East African society during the colonial period and enjoying the greatest advantages over other Muslim sects and organizations, 40 Ismailis have never had any real political power here. The top of the community, acting in concert with the British imperialists, restrained the political activity of ordinary Ismailis. And while it remained culturally and religiously isolated, it failed to unite with either the Muslims of Indo-Pakistani origin or the Africans. There were only a few cases of Ismaili participation in political organizations with anti-colonial programs. For example, in the 1950s in Zanzibar, the Ismailis, together with Hindus, formed the Indian National Association (as opposed to the Muslim League, which united Indo-Pakistani Muslims)41 . In general, the members of the sect were engaged in:-

36 Ibid., p. 253.

37 "Jeune Afrique", 1967, N 353, p. 32.

38 "Islam in Africa", p. 233.

39 S. I. Trimingham. Op. cit., p. 105.

40 In 1924, the Ismailis were officially recognized in Tanganyika as a community "distinct in law and custom from all Muslims" (The British Journal of Sociology, 1971, No. 4, p. 366).

41 "Political Science Quarterly", 1962, N 1, p. 83.

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mainly through cultural and educational, charitable or missionary activities.

When the intensity of the political struggle began to presage the imminent liberation from imperialist domination, the tactics of the Ismaili imams changed. By verbally denouncing colonialism and racism, flirting with the leaders of the national liberation movement, and using their financial resources, the community's leadership began to prepare it for the new conditions. Long before the independence of East African countries (the political independence of Tanganyika was proclaimed on December 9, 1961, Uganda-on October 9, 1962, Zanzibar-on December 10, 1963, Kenya-on December 12, 1963), almost all Ismailis, following the instructions of their leaders, took citizenship of these countries. Since there is a significant stratum of the Asian population, which for a number of reasons remains subjects of Great Britain, India, Pakistan or Bangladesh, this step of the Ismailis put them in a more favorable position and, as it were, equated them in political terms with the local population.

Much attention was paid to the structure of Ismaili organizations. To a greater extent, the Nizari community has undergone changes. According to the Constitution approved by the Aga Hay in August 1962, the affairs of the Nizari community of East Africa are governed by provincial and legislative councils in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, which report to the Supreme Council for East Africa, centered in Mombasa. Members of the council are appointed by the Aga Khan, who is the head of the community. In an effort to gain the support of the Tanzanian Government, the Ismailis formed a single council for Tanzania, centered in Dar es Salaam. This move of Hodge's was approved by President J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere 42 . In order to unify the rituals of the African, Asian and Middle Eastern Ismailis, as well as to convince orthodox Sunnis and Shiites to recognize Ismailis as full-fledged Muslims, in 1956 the Aga Khan published a new prayer book with texts of prayers in Arabic and their translations into English and Gujarati .43 Local Hoxha organizations, which include all adult males, have a center where the council offices are located, a hall for worship, a library with a reading room, and meeting rooms 44 .

Culturally, the Ismailis remain the same closed community as before, and are regarded by the local population as outsiders. Although Ismailis are increasingly moving away from centuries-old traditions (first of all, this applies to women, who now receive an education and profession on an equal basis with men), they practically do not assimilate with the local population. Ismailis do not allow mixed marriages between Bohr and Khoja people, and marriages with Africans, called chotola in East Africa, cause discontent. Ismailis choose wives from their own caste, and if they do not find any in East Africa, they go to India or Pakistan for this purpose. Compared to the African population, whose standard of living is still low, Ismailis are in a more privileged position. Thanks to social benefits provided from community funds, they have more opportunities to receive education, medical care, and housing .45 In addition, almost half of the Africans in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania are adherents of local traditional beliefs and about 40% are Christians; only 18% practice Shia and Sunni Islam. 46 Ismailism has not spread among the local African population. For example, there are only 150 Ismaili Africans in Uganda .47
The strength of the economic position that Ismailis have secured in a number of African States is largely related to the nature of their activities. After all, most of the liberated countries of Africa are more willing to receive assistance

42 "Islam in Africa", p. 249.

43 Ibid., p. 153.

44 Ibid., p. 249.

45 Following the implementation of the "Home for All" project developed by the Ismaili leadership for East Africa, by the early 1970s almost every Ismaili family had become the owner of a house or apartment, which (like other activities of this kind) linked the lower levels of the community more closely to the upper levels.

46 See G. A. Shpazhnikov. Religions of African countries, Moscow, 1967.

47 S. I. Trimingham. Op. cit., p. 105.

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not from this or that bourgeois state, but from any organization. This kind of assistance has the connotation of charity and does not make the country dependent on foreign capital. Nevertheless, the Ismaili bourgeoisie has to maneuver, and the Aga Khan recommended that his followers invest in medium-sized enterprises rather than large ones, which was due to the desire to disguise the monopolistic nature of its activities. The community's leadership has taken a course of cooperation with the Governments of East African countries. In 1972, together with the Governments of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, the Ismailis formed the East African Industrial Corporation, which provides financing for the facilities that have been put into operation .48 In the late 1950s, many schools and hospitals owned by Ismailis were transferred to the State, although they continue to receive financial assistance from the community.

The most favorable situation for the Ismailis is now in Kenya, where the ruling circles encourage the growth of private capitalist enterprises and create favorable conditions for their activities. Here, Ismailis control more than 1/5 of industrial production, 1/8 of agricultural production, 60% of retail trade and have a share in banking. The Aga Khan controls the largest newspaper, the Daily Nation, published in Nairobi. Repeated measures to "Africanize" the administrative apparatus and trade in Kenya have hardly affected the Ismailis .49 During the Aga Khan's visit to Mombasa in December 1973, he presented President J. R. R. Tolkien with the following documents: Kenyatta received a cheque for 5 thousand pounds for the construction of a hospital in Gatunda-Kenyatta's residence, and the head of the Ismailis presented a cheque of 2.5 thousand pounds to the president's wife for the construction of an orphanage 50 . The spiritual head of the Ismailis, who often makes visits to Kenya, where he spent his youth, is always received with great pomp and at the highest level.

The position of the Ismailis in Tanzania is somewhat different. The adoption in 1967 by the ruling Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) party of a policy document, the Arusha Declaration, which outlined the development of Tanzania along a non - capitalist path, put the Ismailis in a difficult position, because for the most part they were capitalist owners, against whom the spearhead of social transformation was directed. The "Africanization" and nationalization of the economy affected Indo-Pakistani and Arab entrepreneurs, including many Ismailis. In 1971, after the adoption of laws on the nationalization of private property, including private houses worth over 100 thousand East African shillings, the outflow of the Asian population from Tanzania began for the first time. However, J. R. R. Tolkien Nyerere stated: "I am absolutely sure that if we distinguish between Indian exploiters and Indian exploited people, and if we treat the exploited in the same way as other workers, they will help us to implement the policy of socialism and self-sufficiency."51 . The Government insists that Ismailis actively participate in self-help programs and join the TANU .52 Some Ismailis have taken up important government positions in Tanzania. However, so far the departure of Ismailis - engineers, doctors, teachers - is affecting social life, as Tanzania does not yet have enough of its own qualified personnel. In this regard, J. R. R. Tolkien Nyerere issued a warning about the dangers associated with too hasty "Africanization", which is having a painful effect on the country's economy .53
In Uganda, the situation of Ismailis changed after the military coup in January 1971, when the government of General I. Amin came to power. Its activities contribute to the growing political role of Muslim Africans. Amin achieved the unification of all Muslim organizations in the country and subordinated them to the Supreme Muslim Council. The army is being islamized. As a result, spend-

48 "Islam in Africa", p. 161.

49 P. Kulik. Modern Kenya, Moscow, 1972, p. 96.

50 "East African Standard" (Nairobi), 15.XII.3973.

51 "The African Communist" (London), 1973, N 53, p. 70.

52 "The British Journal of Sociology", 1971. N 4, p. 374.

53 L. A. Demkina. National minorities in the countries of East Africa, Moscow, 1972, p. 112.

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However, since the 1972" Africanization", retail trade has almost completely passed into the hands of Muslim Africans. In September 1972, the government decided to expel from Uganda 80 thousand immigrants from India and Pakistan, some of whom were British subjects and held key positions in finance and trade. These measures, however, did not affect Ismaili engineers, doctors and lawyers, who were banned from leaving the country.

Now the leadership of the sect is looking for new places of capital application, including some West African states. Thus, in the Ivory Coast Republic, the bourgeoisie of Khoja launched an active activity (since 1965, it has built the largest business center "Nur al-Hayat" and the Filtirak factory, in which it invested 750 million francs). Nizari organizations financed the construction of an agricultural goods factory and a biscuit factory 54 . Yet Ismailism is perceived by Africans as an alien phenomenon. This is compounded by the fact that Ismailis, having accepted citizenship of the country in which they live, remain loyal to their religious leaders located in other countries. It is not without reason that their situation is compared to that of Catholics in nineteenth-century America, when they were viewed with suspicion because they were spiritually subordinate to the Pope .55 The further secularization of public life in East African countries (where the church is already separated from the state) and the struggle to eradicate religious prejudice pose new challenges for the Ismaili sect.

The activity of the Ismailis shows that this sect, which actively propagated its teachings and influenced the ideology, philosophy, culture, economic and socio-political life of many peoples of Africa and the East, now continues to play a certain role in their daily life.

54 "Jeune Afrique", 1967, N 353, p. 31.

55 "The British Journal of Sociology", 1971, N 4, p. 375.

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