Moscow, Nauka Publ. 1983. 253 p.

Over the past two or three decades of independent political development of the former colonial countries of Asia and Africa, they have undergone various socio - economic changes, although most of these countries remain largely stagnant and multi - layered. In a significant group of young states, the leading role of capitalist relations has been clearly defined, and in a number of countries, qualitative social transformations have been carried out and a course towards building socialism has been proclaimed.

In the research of scientists, special attention is paid to the countries of socialist orientation, the development of the revolutionary process in them, achievements and difficulties in implementing the tasks they face .1 In these works, objective internal and external factors of the formation and development of states that have chosen a socialist perspective are considered: the inability of capitalism to ensure the rapid and independent development of the national economy and culture of the liberated countries, the weakening of the world system of imperialism, the possibility of supporting their struggle and defending their gains by the countries of the-

1 See: Brutents K. N. Sovremennaya revolyutsionnaya demokratiya [Modern Revolutionary Democracy], Moscow, 1968; Ulyanovsky R. A. Sotsializm i osvobozhdshiesya strany [Socialism and the Liberated Countries], Moscow, 1972; Kiva A.V. Strany sotsialisticheskoi orientiatsii [Countries of socialist orientation]. The main trends of development. M. 1978; Starchenko G. B. socialist orientation in developing countries. 1978 M.; Kim, G. F. From national liberation to social. M. 1982; the socialist orientation of the liberated countries. M. 1982; Irkhin Yu. V. Trends in the development of the countries of socialist orientation. Voprosy istorii, 1984, No. 6.

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However, these works also address the issue that objective factors alone do not explain why only individual countries from a whole group of countries with similar socio-economic conditions take the path of socialist orientation. At the same time, the author points out the important role of subjective factors: political parties and leading groups. This is especially clearly stated in the collective monograph devoted specifically to theoretical and practical problems of the socialist orientation of the liberated countries.

The idea of the importance of the revolutionary vanguard in the progressive social transformations of young states has been extensively covered in the book under review2 . This work is the first collective study in Soviet historiography devoted to the analysis of the role of vanguard parties of workers in the revolutionary democratic movement and in the formation and strengthening of the socialist orientation of a number of former colonial and dependent countries.

The peculiarity of the revolutionary process in Afro-Asian countries, the authors emphasize, lies in the fact that there is no deep and clear class division, a working class has not been formed that would be able to distinguish a conscious and sufficiently powerful revolutionary vanguard from its environment. Under these conditions, the main leadership core in national-democratic and revolutionary-democratic parties is usually formed by a small stratum of intellectuals, represented by a small group of ideologists, organizers and politicians. Later, some of them adopted the position of Marxism-Leninism, creating vanguard parties of workers. The formation of such parties in the countries of Asia and Africa occurs not in conditions when Marxism-Leninism is combined with a mature labor movement, but in conditions when, as the authors put it, the intelligentsia can in principle play a "substitute role" (p.44).

At the same time, the book points out, the groups of revolutionaries that emerged in the developing countries in the 1970s realized, on the one hand, the need for a strong alliance with the peasantry and other masses of working people, and, on the other, the need for broad ties with the socialist community, with fraternal communist parties. Modern Asian and African revolutionaries have come to believe that only an alliance with victorious socialism can compensate for the weakness of the local proletariat for a while (ibid.).

Based on an analysis of the social composition and political programs of the vanguard parties of working people in developing countries, the authors conclude that the most significant feature that distinguishes these parties is that, although they are not primarily proletarian in origin, they proclaim the ultimate goal of building a socialist society based on the principles of scientific socialism. These parties include, in particular, the Yemeni Socialist Party( YSP), the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-Party of Labor (MPLA-PT), the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), the Congolese Party of Labor (KPT), the Benin People's Revolution Party (PNRB), and others.

The positions and actions of the revolutionary vanguards in these countries were primarily determined by the internal situation that developed in them in the 70s. For the Afro-Asiatic revolutionaries of this decade, the fact that the fullness of national liberation and, most importantly, the liberation of the economy from the domination of imperialism are impossible without a conscious, purposeful connection between the national revolution and the social revolution was much clearer than for their predecessors in the 50s and 60s. The nature of the most expedient coup was suggested by the specifics of each of these countries: anti-monarchical popular revolution (Ethiopia), experience of mass armed anti-colonial struggle (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, South Yemen), deplorable socio-economic and political results of the first years of post-colonial development (Congo, Dahomey-Benin).

2 Authors: V. F. Li, Yu. N. Gavrilov, V. I. Maksimenko, V. G. Khoros, V. A. Fedorov, E. V. Golubeva, T. F. Sivertseva, V. M. Mazurov, L. A. Fridman, A.V. Malashenko, Yu. P. Dementiev, D. V. Mosyakov, A.M. Khazanov, V. G. Korgun, [A. G. Kokiev. Editorial Board: V. F. Li (ed.), V. M. Mazurov, V. I. Maksimenko, V. A. Fedorov (Deputy ed.), V. G. Khoros.

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Under these circumstances, it is natural that the patriotic revolutionaries of the liberated countries should turn to the experience of real socialism, which was put into practice in the U.S.S.R. and other socialist states. In this regard, the book puts forward the concept of transfer of revolutionary experience. "In the modern world, there is what, by analogy with some processes in the economy, we would call the transfer of revolutionary experience. This is not an" export of the revolution", but an objective and irremediable assimilation of the experience of their predecessors by their followers, a nationally modified "processing" of the experience of typologically similar prototypes by later social movements. The transfer of revolutionary experience accelerated in the context of the internationalization of modern life, in turn, immeasurably expands and deepens the world revolutionary process. This was the basis, in particular, of Lenin's profound idea that some countries should avoid capitalism in their movement towards a socialist society" (p.53).

Since vanguard parties, as a rule, unite a revolutionary-minded minority of certain strata of the population, mainly the intelligentsia, which in its ideological and political development is significantly ahead of the level of public consciousness of the masses, there is a threat of separation of the revolutionary vanguard from the masses and, consequently, the loss of its political leadership in the country, the defeat of the course towards socialism. Similar phenomena have already occurred in some countries. Therefore, as shown in the book, success in strengthening the socialist orientation depends crucially on the correctness of the line pursued by the vanguard parties at the helm of state administration, on the nature of their ideological platforms, consistency and determination in implementing the correct strategy, taking into account the changing political situation and the alignment of class forces in a particular country. Vanguard parties in developing countries have to operate in a complex and contradictory environment, to wage a sharp ideological and political struggle against various counter-revolutionary forces, with which the right-wing opportunist and left-wing extremist elements are objectively aligned, both outside and sometimes inside the progressive parties of workers.

Much of the book is devoted to the ideological and political struggle of vanguard parties in certain countries of Asia and Africa. At the same time, the harmful role of left-wing extremism, which manifests itself in the ideology and politics of radical intellectuals and students, individual workers ' trade unions, some communist parties and groups within these parties, is described in particular detail. All representatives of left-wing extremism are characterized by a rebellious - anarchist political platform, a hostile attitude towards scientific socialism, and the absolutization of armed methods of struggle. Using the examples of left-wing extremist groups in the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Afghanistan, and other Asian and African countries, the authors show that these organizations cause great harm to the revolutionary movement, pushing it into the channel of a hopeless adventure isolated from the class struggle of workers. The book carefully traces the sinister role of left-wing extremism in Kampuchea, which led to Pol Pot's counterrevolutionary dictatorship, in which " they found concentrated expression... the most common features characteristic of left-wing extremism in general" (p. 95).

The authors also analyze the struggle of revolutionary-democratic vanguard forces against bourgeois-reformist groups during the formation of vanguard parties of workers in Ethiopia, Afghanistan and other countries.

The work covers a wide range of political and ideological problems of socialist-oriented countries related to the creation and activity of vanguard revolutionary-democratic parties in these countries. The authors managed to achieve a certain unity in the presentation of the main issues. At the same time, the book has a noticeable prevalence of materials on Asian countries. The exception is articles about the experience of Algeria. It is somewhat artificial to include materials about the middle urban strata and the women's movement in developing countries.

In general, the scientific novelty and practical relevance of the research presented in the book make it very useful for understanding the current reality of the developing world and opportunities for further social progress. The original ideas expressed in the collective work will serve as an incentive

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further study of various problems of socio-political development of the liberated countries. Particularly interesting and relevant in this regard are the authors ' thoughts on the special political role of intellectual groups as initiators of the revolutionary process with its focus on real socialism, on the transfer of proletarian revolutionary experience and its non-proletarian carriers, on the lag of the consciousness of the masses behind the program provisions and activities of the revolutionary vanguard in countries of socialist orientation, and on subsequent the possibility or impossibility of resolving this contradiction.

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