Forty years ago, the colonial system on the African continent collapsed. The world received an African model of the armed forces.

The modern Black contingent is a fifth of the Earth's landmass. It is home to more than a quarter of the world's existing states (over 50), with a population of approximately 779 million (1999).

Africa is an essential part of the global community and modern civilization. According to several scientific theories, this continent was the cradle of humanity.

The colonial powers, having conquered Africa, isolated it from the outside world, interrupted its centuries-old economic, political and cultural ties with other continents, did everything to forget the rich history and achievements of its peoples. It took a long, heroic struggle of Africans and representatives of the progressive states of the planet to undermine and liquidate the system of colonial oppression. 1960 was the year of Africa, which led to the intensive disintegration of the colonial system on the continent. Having gained political independence, the peoples of Africa continue to struggle to eliminate centuries of backwardness, strengthen their state sovereignty, achieve economic independence, and promote social progress.

As evidenced by the history of the almost 40-year independent development of African countries, military coups, the establishment of military dictatorships, and the active role of the army in the political structure have become one of the characteristics and patterns of their political life. During this period, more than 100 successful military coups were carried out. Western political analysts have noted that only 18 of the more than 50 independent African countries have avoided military regimes. At the same time, the army became not only a means of protecting the state and ensuring its security, but also a force that had a direct impact on socio-political processes, the restructuring of social structures, and the development of the state's domestic and foreign policies.

African countries are characterized by a huge political and economic dependence on the outside world, especially on Western European countries and the United States, as well as on transnational corporations and international financial centers. In addition, the confrontation between the two global systems, capitalism and socialism, in their struggle for spheres of influence in Africa, contributed to the formation of authoritarian military dictatorships.

Military dictatorships, which are occasionally imposed in many countries, are characterized by political and economic instability, a series of coups d'état, interethnic conflicts and wars, an arms race, an increasing political role of the military in society, dictatorial methods of governance, etc.

As recently as the late 1980s, 38 of the 45 African countries were ruled by authoritarian, military-dictatorial, and one-party regimes, typically characterized by strong and unlimited presidential power.

The power of a dictator in a civil and military regime is based on three political institutions: the state, inherited from the colonialists and exercising a strict centralized power over society; the one-party system, which in most cases was created by the national leaders themselves in order to gain support from the masses; and the army, which, through frequent military coups, established the power of the ruling military circles, removing civilian leaders. However, the emergence of military dictators, known as "bigmen" in Africa, is due to the unique role of the army in post-colonial societies. In the eyes of the people, it remains a guarantor and symbol of state independence, an organization capable of establishing and maintaining a just order within the country and achieving equality with the outside world.

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Such perceptions are quite persistent, despite the negative experience of military power.

The monopolization of political power by the military has generally led to the strengthening of conservative and, in some cases, reactionary tendencies. Military dictatorships in Africa can be characterized as right-wing authoritarian and left-wing authoritarian, to a certain extent. The most reactionary forms of authoritarian military dictatorship in Africa were characterized by the rule of Jean-Bédel Bokassa in the Central African Republic, Idi Amin Dada in Uganda, Moussa Traoré in Mali, M.H. Mariam in Ethiopia, H. Habré in Chad, Siad Barre in Somalia, Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, Sani Abacha in Nigeria, and so on.

As an example of a reactionary right-wing authoritarian regime in Africa, we can consider the military dictatorship of Jean-Bédel Bokassa in the Central African Republic. His rule lasted for 13 years, from 1966 to 1979. During this time, he used terror and violence to declare himself the Marshal and President for Life of the Central African Republic, and later declared the country an empire and himself an emperor. During his reign, the new emperor dismissed, expelled, and arrested all those who opposed him or posed a threat to his power. In April 1979, he personally ordered the execution of schoolchildren who protested against the country's barbaric practices. After his deposition in October 1979, it was revealed that he was also a cannibal.

Another no less odious military dictator was Idi Amin Dala, who for 8 years in the 70s was at the head of the state of Uganda and terrified the 15 million population of the country, exterminating 800 thousand people - from political opponents of the regime to completely innocent people. Being illiterate, this impostor appropriated the title of Field Marshal, led by the nose major political figures of the East and the West, was elected chairman of the Organization of African Unity,

The right-wing authoritarian military dictatorships also include the rule of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, the president of Zaire (now the People's Republic of the Congo), who was overthrown in 1977.

Mobutu's authoritarian regime was based on sophisticated corruption and violence at the highest levels of the party-state structure. His enemies, both real and imagined, were subjected to arrests and beatings. More than 100 political assassinations were carried out annually in the country. In the late 1990s, the military dictatorship in Zaire collapsed, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was established.

In Nigeria, military coups followed one another in 1966, 1975, 1985, and 1993. The military's activism began from the very first days of independence. This was facilitated by disagreements between political party leaders, corruption and waste in the highest echelons of government, high unemployment rates, and a decline in the standard of living for the majority of the population. These factors influenced the attitudes of young officers in the Nigerian army and police, who used these negative developments as a catalyst for action.

All of this indicated that, despite its attempts to play an active role in the country's political life, the army had failed to find effective solutions to the complex socio-economic challenges facing the nation. As a result, the transfer of power to the civilian government in Nigeria in 1999 was an inevitable outcome.

Along with right-wing authoritarian regimes in Africa, left-wing authoritarian military dictatorships that were previously socialist in orientation have also experienced a certain evolution.

In the Republic of Benin, for example, the armed forces have been the only organized force since the military coup in 1963. They have always been at the forefront of public and political life. In the context of the transition from a military regime to a civil society and the establishment of a rule-of-law state, the country's leaders, particularly President N. Soglo, who represents the new wave of democratic change in the country, are striving to establish "political neutrality" in the armed forces, return the military to barracks, implement reforms, and reduce the size of the army.

Mengistu Haile Mariam, the well-known Ethiopian leader, was forced to leave the country after his failed "socialist experiment" (he fled to Kenya in May 1991 and later to Zimbabwe). Mariam's military regime lacked social support, although he attempted to create it through a one-party system (the Ethiopian Workers' Party) and various social organizations. During the struggle against the rebels in the northern provinces of Tigre and Eritrea, there was opposition within the Ethiopian army itself, which consisted of approximately 500,000 soldiers. As a result, the army, which was plagued by divisions, lost the support of parts of the military leadership and the Ethiopian population during its operations against the rebels. The newspaper "Addis Zemen" wrote: "The military regime of Mengistu and his close associates profited from the suffering of the people and shamelessly plundered the country. They engaged in illegal trade in gold and ivory, "cleaned" the banks of their currency, and appropriated the people's valuables. After the dictator's escape, a new Ethiopia emerged from the ruins of "people's democracy," followed by the independent state of Eritrea.

An analysis of military dictatorships shows that their goal was to establish unchecked power by subjugating the masses. Military dictators claimed the right to be called presidents. In recent decades, they have not only failed to bring democracy and prosperity to the continent, but have instead deepened the economic and political crisis. The leaders of African countries, characterized by authoritarian rule, have been implicated in corruption. The crisis in the political situation on the African continent during the years of independent development of African countries has led not only to numerous military coups and the establishment of military dictatorships, but also to interethnic conflicts, civil wars, and an increase in refugees. Naturally, this has had a negative impact on the economic, social, spiritual, and cultural development of many of the continent's nation-states. In these circumstances, the army had to address national challenges. The most complex

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The socio-political problem was the ethnic problem, which integrated the complex of all contradictions in African society. Ethnic problems (ethnocracy) in Africa emerged during the colonial era, and they became particularly acute during the post-colonial period, when national states with a multi-ethnic base began to emerge on the continent.

The ethnic composition of Africa is extremely complex. According to rough estimates, there are approximately 50 nations and ethnic groups and 3,000 different tribes on the continent, each speaking a different language. The situation is further complicated by the fact that, as a result of the colonial division of Africa, the political borders of the countries do not correspond to the natural and historical boundaries of the African population. Almost half of the borders (44%) are based on meridians and parallels, while another 30% are based on straight and curved lines.

Thus, the borders of individual independent African states were arbitrarily established by the colonizers, without taking into account the ethnic factor, which created objective conditions for interethnic conflicts or wars.

The history of Africa's development is characterized by numerous armed conflicts. From 1960 to 1990, there were 18 full-scale and bloody wars in Africa, and 11 cases of genocide and mass political terror were recorded. In the 1980s alone, wars in six countries (Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, Mozambique, Angola, and Uganda) resulted in the deaths of an estimated 4 million people (mostly civilians). In the 1990s, interethnic and civil wars erupted in a large number of countries on the continent, despite the evolution of military regimes into civilian ones. There was hope that these processes would lead to the resolution of conflicts. However, the weakening of authoritarian dictatorial regimes further exacerbated interethnic and interstate conflicts on the continent. Today, there are about 15 armed conflicts in Africa: in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, Sudan, Rwanda, Uganda, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, which are at war. Many foreign researchers note that the "war epidemic" on the continent may spread to neighboring African countries. The UN, the OAU, and other intergovernmental organizations must play an important role in resolving interethnic and interstate conflicts, as Africa is becoming a continent where "everyone is at war with everyone else."

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Africa witnessed a wave of mass democratic movements against authoritarian and, in particular, military dictatorial regimes. As a result of the liberation struggles of African nations, the scope of military dictatorships was significantly reduced. Some military dictators fled to neighboring countries, while others found themselves on trial, and still others were forced to step down in favor of civilian leaders following the victory of democratic opposition forces in national conferences. At the same time, political structures began to emerge, taking into account the democratic traditions and culture, as well as the social institutions that were already in place before the countries of Africa gained political independence. Under authoritarian regimes, these traditions were either distorted or forgotten, serving as a significant obstacle to the development of African countries.

By the end of the 1990s, more than three dozen African countries had transitioned from authoritarian military dictatorships and one-party regimes to multi-party political systems. These countries have held national conferences and referendums, revised their constitutions, and adopted new laws on parties and elections, which have contributed to the gradual democratization of their political systems.

One of the democratic trends under military regimes in most African countries is the transition to a multi-party political system.

In recent years, the dismantling of authoritarian military dictatorships and the holding of national conferences have become the most important ways to overcome interethnic tensions and conflicts in most African countries.

After gaining state independence, most African countries established new political structures, where the role of the army was far from clear-cut. In some countries, the army supported the democratization of society, while in others, it resisted in order to maintain its political power. In still others, the army took a neutral stance, waiting for the outcome of the political struggle and the reaction of the masses, ethnic groups, and others.

According to foreign sources from 1998-1999, the armed forces of African countries number about 2 million people. The largest of these are the armies of Algeria, Angola, Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria, Sudan, Ethiopia, and South Africa.

During the years of independence, two trends were characteristic of African armies. First, the influence on civil society through constitutional methods in an authoritarian one-party civil regime to ensure political stability and development of the country. Second, the army's refusal to support civil society, the seizure of power through a military coup, and the use of force to establish a military dictatorship. However, as the experience of African countries shows, military regimes, with rare exceptions, cannot be sustainable for any significant period. These regimes must either evolve into social regimes with a mass base and a unifying ideology, or they must leave the stage.

One of the Nigerian generals, S. Ibrahim, expressed his views on military coups as follows: "Military regimes have become unpopular around the world, and many countries are fighting to restore constitutional rule. We must respect the people's aspirations and our desire for a truly professional military that is outside of politics." Summarizing the experience of military dictatorship in Africa, he rightfully stated: "Military involvement in government has led to more failures than achievements."

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